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| Colonial America 352 |
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| Colonial Newspapers: The Boston Gazette (AMST 352, Autumn 2002) In colonial America, the various newspapers that circulated throughout the colonies played an important role in the awakening of a common identity among the disparate, and at times isolated population. Indeed, as Lawrence Leder writes: “The dominant factor in shaping and expressing public opinion in eighteenth-century America was the newspaper, and it forms the only source for evaluating what the “average colonist” thought about the issues of the day.”# One of the earliest established newspapers was the weekly Boston Gazette, established by John Franklin in 1719, which in 1755 became the Boston Gazette and Country Journal. The longevity of this Boston newspaper is quite rare among colonial publications, which often started up in various towns and cities, published for a few months or years, and then seemingly disappeared. Despite the name change resulting from a change of ownership, the Boston Gazette effectively remained in print from 1719 until 1798. While Boston was an exceptional case in having two newspapers throughout most of the eighteenth century, Leder notes that “each urban area, until the population expanded adequately, could support but one newspaper, usually an official one that depended on governmental contacts for economic survival.”# By examining various aspects of the newspaper, such as structure and news content, it is possible to discover how not only the publication itself changed over the years, but also broader changes in the colony. As the colonies moved closer to trying to break from the mother country, the tone of colonial news reported changed dramatically, with a greater emphasis placed on home news and political debate, rather than recycled information from Britain. The Boston Gazette served in the front ranks of this crusade for freedom, spearheaded by the publishers Benjamin Edes and John Gill. In its heyday in the years leading up to the Revolution, the Boston Gazette was enjoying a circulation of over 2000 copies per week, and featured such prominent colonials as Samuel and John Adams, and John Hancock.# Many historians attribute a significant role to the colonial newspaper in the revolutionary effort through their discussion of public issues, which “stemmed from the presence of numerous printers, presses and newspapers.”# However, despite this eventual popularity, the colonial newspaper was very different to the newspapers of today. Richard Merritt describes the apparent lack of conventional style in colonial publications: “The colonial newspaper may at first seem to be a poorly printed sheet indeed…rather amorphous in its format, with an unpredictable standard of emphasis and in absence of clear lines between news and editorial content.”# It is possible however, to observe various trends that help to characterize the colonial newspaper, which shall now be considered. The length of a newspaper could vary considerably, in the time period I examined from 1720 to 1785; papers were between two and four pages in length, with infrequent additional supplements of one or two pages. However, four quarto sides seemed to be the norm by the second half of the eighteenth century. It is difficult to establish exactly why the length varies in such a way, but the most likely explanation is that it depended simply on the amount of printable news reaching a publisher each week. Initially publishers assembled the type setting as and when interesting news came in, so this also explains the fact that often many items of news from one source are scattered over a few pages. One interesting point that is noted by Barck and Lefler is that colonial newspapers had no “front page” in the modern understanding of the term, and the Boston Gazette is no exception.# Whereas a modern newspaper runs a dominant story with a large headline, this is noticeably absent from the Boston Gazette, with small dateline headings being the only demarcation between different items. There were several printers of the Boston Gazette (see Appendix A), and their personal approaches can help explain this variation in style. The type of news printed in the Boston Gazette varied considerably within each edition, and also over the years of publication. Particularly in the early years of printing, the predominant source of news was reprinted articles usually coming from Britain, but gradually including more articles from the other colonies. In his study of colonial newspapers, Richard Merritt notes that in 1738 less than one-quarter of a newspaper’s space was filled with original material, but by 1768 this had increased to slightly less than one half.# This illustrates the gradual separation of American news from European news, and also the increasing space devoted to essays and editorial commentary, usually exhibited indirectly. The order of news often reflected the time news could take to travel. Often new stories from several months prior to the week of publishing could be interspersed with much more recent news. Generally, the further away the source of news, the greater the time lag that would occur. For instance, news and articles from London might take up to five months to be printed in the colonies, but this gradually decreased over time, reflecting the swifter Atlantic crossing times as routes became more well traveled and safer. However, this trend did not continue uninterrupted, as unforeseen circumstances, such as wars between European nations, and during the American Revolution itself could delay the passage of news. News traveling within the colonies themselves could take various lengths of time, as datelines from colonies and towns distant from Boston show in the Gazette. The closer geographically the source was to Boston, the more current the news, though as with European news; colonial matters could be adversely affected by external circumstances, especially during the Revolution. Advertisements grew steadily in prominence in colonial newspapers, from a few notices tucked away at the end of the paper in the early decades of the eighteenth century, to the later half of the 1700s, where advertisements were taking up significant portions of the entire paper. Merritt’s study notes that: “newspapers devoting only a page to advertisements in 1735 were often printing three or four times that much before the close of the colonial period.”# He estimates that between one quarter and one half of the space in a colonial newspaper was taken up by advertisements. These notices could include land for sale, books published and runaway slaves; however, by far the most dominant type of advertising was traders advertising imported goods. The explanations for the growth in advertisements will be explored in more detail subsequently, but an important factor was the circulation of city papers reaching outlying settlements. Traders soon came to the realization that the people inhabiting these areas were a potential source of extra income, and sought to bring their wares to other colonists’ attentions.# When considering the changes that are evident in examining the Boston Gazette, it is helpful to look at the different incarnations of the publication separately. Therefore I shall first look at the period between 1720 and 1750, when it was titled the Boston Gazette. Subsequently I shall examine the period between 1755 and 1785, when the newspaper became the Boston Gazette and Country Journal, under Benjamin Edes. The Boston Gazette began life as a short publication, usually two or three pages in length that enjoyed a reasonable readership in Boston. The structure of the paper was very simple, with only two columns of text, although this had increased to three by 1750. The only illustrations were on the title section, usually a ship of some description, and something representative of news delivery, such as a horse-borne messenger or a man holding a copy of the journal. There was scattered use of dividing lines between columns, and between different items, though this was often omitted, and did not stay in general use. Initially the title section carried the legend “Published by Authority”, a reference to the paper being authorized by the postmaster of the colony, who often doubled as the newspaper’s printer. However, this did not become a regular part of the paper, and soon the only reference was at the very bottom of the last page, where the printer was referred to. After the revolution, the printers’ name began to appear at the top of the front page again. Other basic aspects of the Gazette’s front page were the issue number and the weekly dates that the paper was concerned with, for instance, “No. 22, From Monday May 9. to Monday May 16. 1720.”# However, by the mid 1740s, this had been replaced by only the date of publishing. The order of news followed a general pattern over the course of the Gazette’s life, though there were occasional exceptions. European news was printed first, usually in order of the date. This could take up the majority of the news section, and a possible explanation for this prominence is suggested by Benjamin Labaree: “By reprinting the news from London journals brought in by shipmasters, the editors helped break down the sense of isolation from Europe which had characterized earlier generations.”# News from the other colonies followed and the local news from Boston finished off the news section. This usually included information from the Boston Custom House, which will be dealt with in more detail later. The final part of the paper was the advertising section, and remained separate from general news throughout this first incarnation. Content of news stories varied considerably, but it is possible to discern some general trends. European news was mainly concerned with the workings of parliament, such as debates and bills in the Houses of Parliament, and military matters. There was also space devoted to appointments and deaths affecting prominent members of British society, and international relations between the countries of Europe. As relations between Britain and France deteriorated into war, news reports from Europe referred to troop build ups, military and naval actions and similar stories. For example, in an issue from 1734, there are references to an Imperialist victory over the French at Guastalla, with reports from across Europe, including a list of the Allied losses.# Another feature of European news in the first half of the eighteenth century was the attacks of privateers in both European and Caribbean waters, which reflects the significance of these pirates during this period in colonial history. Colonial news features were initially only concerned with custom house reports from the various colonies, though gradually more news entered into these sections. One aspect that is interesting is in the reprinting of discussions and letters between governors and the Assembly of Massachusetts. In 1730 and 1734, Governor Jonathan Belcher has speeches reprinted, which enjoy the prominence of the front page, and in conjunction with his dialogue with the Assembly, they take up nearly three quarters of the paper in 1730 and nearly half in 1734. These discussions were concerned with the assembly welcoming his return from Britain in 1730, and a more confrontational dialogue when Belcher tries to encourage the assembly to maintain the balance of trade with the mother country.# Other aspects of colonial life that enjoyed coverage in the Gazette included more privateer actions, usually involving the Spanish, and conflict with Native Americans. News from Boston itself was more varied, and included marriages, births and deaths. There was also the occasional story that defied classification, such as the case of young woman from Springfield: “Mary Dumbleton, being delirious, went into the Woods on the 22nd of April past, and tho’ searched for by several Hundred Men for two or three Days, yet could not be found; till the 7th Day of May following, when she was found in the Woods by a Lad, having liv’d all that Time upon Buds and Cranberries.”# Seemingly even the colonial period was not without the strange and wonderful tales that often characterize local news. Advertisements appeared in the Gazette since its inception, though gradually the space devoted to them increased, as alluded to earlier. Dominant among these notices initially were notices about runaway slaves, and debts on estates that needed to be resolved. Gradually advertisements for stores selling imported European goods began to emerge as the most significant type of notice, though they still remained at the end of the paper. Though most adverts fell into one of these major categories, there are examples of slightly different notices that appear only sporadically, such as a café review or someone wishing to hire a ship. In an issue from 1740, there is an interesting warning from one James Bumpass about his eloped wife, which forbids people from “entertaining or trusting her” or “contracting Matrimony with her, or committing any other Act which may tend to the Violation of the Marriage Covenant.” # When the Boston Gazette evolved into a new incarnation in 1755, Benjamin Edes with help from John Gill turned the Boston Gazette and Country Journal into a leading voice for the revolutionary cause. It also reflects the increasing complexity and stability of colonial American society. In his article on the awakening of a common American identity in the years leading up to the Revolution, Richard Merritt gives prominence to the Boston newspapers: “The Massachusetts Gazette and The Boston Gazette – were far and away the leaders in reporting both colonial and British events, and more inclined to give precedence to the former.”# While at first the general structure of the newspaper remained similar to that of the Boston Gazette, the new version was soon demonstrating a different way of presenting news. News from Europe still came first, though the amount of news from the colonies was growing steadily to the point that it far outweighed the reports from the home country. This reached a high point during the period from 1770-1785 when virtually no European news appeared, (none at all in an issue from1776), instead the paper was dominated by colonial matters. However, advertisements now appeared amongst the news, from the front page to the end of the paper. News content from Europe focused on the growing tensions between France and Britain between 1750 and 1760, and after the conclusion of the Seven Year’s War in 1763 the stories concentrated on disputes between Britain and the colonies. However, after the Revolution was petering out and their independence seemed secure, European matters were reduced to relatively trivial matters by 1785. Colonial news in the period leading up to the French and Indian War was mainly concerned with troop build ups, Indian attacks and other military affairs. However, by 1765, discussion of the effects of British parliamentary legislations, such as the Stamp Act became the dominant feature of new items. According to Merritt, the expanding linage in papers, in addition to the increase in the number of papers helped colonists identify with each other, more than with Britain: “The rapidly expanding newspapers could spend a large amount of space on differences between the perspectives and interests of the colonists and those of the mother country.”# After the revolution began, reports from the Continental Congress began to feature regularly, and there was a reprinting of the Declaration of Independence in 1776.# These features were accompanied by military reports from the various armies involved in fighting, and information from skirmishes and conflicts with the Royal troops. Still, as the fighting drew to a close, there was still the occasional story of a more light-hearted nature, such as an incident in 1785, relating to sheep stealing from New London and a fitting punishment for the perpetrators: “This day we hear they are to be hand-cuffed together, turned among the flock of sheep, and driven back to Waterbury.”# This is one indication that life was perhaps returning to normal after the turmoil of the previous years. Another is the inclusion of a “Poet’s Corner”, where several poems are reprinted, such as a “fable from The Court of Death”, and a warning for a “young lady whose thoughts were wholly bent on this life.”# Advertisements were now firmly established as a significant part of the newspaper, taking up large amounts of space on all pages. In fact, in an issue from 1765, there are so many adverts in the main part of the newspaper; there is a two page supplement that contains the actual news, apparently added as an afterthought. These advertisements are mainly of goods for sale, complete with lists of imported goods, which had become much more important over the preceding years. The reason for this is suggested by Joyce as being related to the expansion of trade to nearby areas: “The advertisements themselves often contained appeals to rural as well as urban readers, thereby testifying to their wide circulation in rural areas.”# It is also possible to see those merchants that were successful by the names that appear regularly over a period of years. For instance, between 1755 and 1770, notices for Benjamin Church’s store appear regularly, suggesting he was a particularly prominent trader in Boston for many years. In the years of the Revolution, two new types of advertisements became common in the Gazette. The first of these were those concerned with deserters from the colonial armies, with rewards being offered such as that of Josiah Lyman offering five dollars for each of five men from Brimfield that deserted his regiment in 1776.# The other type of advertisement was notices for taxes owed on estates and homes. For instance, in an issue from 1780, there is nearly a whole page devoted to taxes in various locations in and around Boston.# Custom house reports formed part of the colonial newspaper from its inception, and the Boston Gazette was no exception. Indeed in the first few years of publication, custom house reports from the other colonies comprised the mainstay of news from these other settlements. Reports from the Boston custom house offer an intriguing look into colonial trading patterns, as they indicate where ships were going to and coming from. By looking at these reports over successive years, it is possible to determine how trading patterns changed during the colonial period, and how they were affected by external events, such as European and colonial wars. While there was not a great deal of variation in the presentation of the reports themselves, there are some differences over the sixty five-year period I examined. For instance, in the first issue I looked at from 1720, the names of the ships are listed alongside the names of the captains; however, this is not repeated until the last issue from 1785. In the intervening years, only the name of the captain is listed, which can sometime make it confusing as to the exact number of ships going to or coming from a specific place. The “Marine List” from 1785 is much easier to read, as it is organized into columns of inward and outward ships, and with the ship names included, this style is much clearer. It also adds the information of the type of ship, such as schooner, sloop etc. In all the issues before 1785, the custom house report was composed of a simple list under the headings of “Entered Inward”, “Outward Bound” and “Cleared Out.” However, in some issues, there is only one section, or, as in three cases, there is no custom house report at all.# One interesting aspect of the custom house report that seems to have developed over time, for no discernable reason, is the inclusion of the number of people baptized and the number of deaths in Boston, though also from Charles Town on several occasions. The earliest example of this was from 1750 in the Boston Gazette, and the practice continued following Benjamin Edes’ taking over control of the publication. Appendix B shows the general destinations and points of origin of ships recorded in the Boston custom house reports from the Gazette. While this study is limited by only taking one example from each year in five year intervals, some trends are clearly indicated. Firstly, there is a trend that the percentage of ships involved in going to and from other colonies increases vastly over the period in question. From comprising less than half of the shipping in the 1720s, the percentage soon increases to nearly three-quarters, and sometimes higher in the following years. In comparison, percentages for Caribbean and European destinations fall away significantly. In a study of shipping patterns, Kenneth Morgan notes that there was a substantial increase in the number of vessels engaged in shuttle journeys, trading up and down the Atlantic Coast, which explains this general trend.# The other noteworthy aspect in the changing trade was the increase in the number of vessels involved, especially those going from Boston to other colonies, up to forty vessels in one week in June 1740. This increase can be confirmed by the fact that, according to Merritt, while ships from Boston to England only increased by 23% between 1717 and 1772, colonial vessels increased by 286% in the same time period.# The changing destinations and points of origin within the colonies themselves illustrate how the settlement of other areas proceeded over the colonial period. As shown in Appendix C, in the 1720s and 1730s, the most common destinations and points of origin were nearby colonies, such as New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut and Newfoundland. As other colonies developed in importance, the Carolinas feature more prominently from the 1750s onwards, reflecting the trade that was occurring between the tobacco-rich Southern colonies. There is also a considerable amount of trade with the Canadian provinces, which is understandable due to their proximity to Boston. While there are limitations to what custom house reports can reveal, such as the actual goods carried by the ships recorded, they do reveal interesting trends in colonial trading patterns. The Boston Gazette is an excellent example of what a colonial newspaper can reveal about the situation in the colonies, especially because of its long lifespan spreading over nearly eighty years. While examining only one issue from various time periods, these issues can illustrate how the role of the newspaper evolved from being a fairly limited report on old European news to a prominent voice in the struggle for equality and liberty. It is true that other forms of publication were available in the colonial period, such as pamphlets, but the importance of newspapers in relation to these other forms is noted by Merritt: “the newspapers reflected and helped to shape colonial perceptions, attitudes, and interests more persistently and over a much longer period of time.”# The newspaper and literacy in general was greatly prized in the colonies, as a farmer in 1762 reported to the Providence Gazette: “Printing is the greatest Means of promoting Learning that ever was invented…one means of improving the rising Generation, and in wiping out the Odium cast on us, of being ignorant, rude and unpolished.”# One issue that later greatly concerned the colonial printer was the question of freedom of the press. Indeed, after the Revolution had begun, Benjamin Edes was sought after by the Loyalist Governor for the nature of his pro-American publication. As a result he was forced to move his operation out of Boston into nearby Watertown to escape arrest. American society was developing rapidly, and the colonial press was one expression of this increasing maturity; as Leder notes: “It was a society in process of learning the value of such freedom [of expression] and defining, albeit haltingly at times, its meaning.”# Indeed, in content, style and circulation, the Boston Gazette was at the leading edge of colonial newspaper development, and at the forefront of the colonists’ expression of their attitudes, especially their growing discontent with the mother country. Bibliography Primary Materials: The Boston Gazette May 9-16, 1720 (issue no. 22) May 10-17, 1725 (286) September 7-14, 1730 (562) November, 18-25, 1734 (777) June 2-9, 1740 (1062) May 13, 1746 (1261) April 10, 1750 (1569) The Boston Gazette and Country Journal May 5, 1755 (5) October 27, 1760 (291) May 27, 1765 (530) April 30, 1770 (786) July 22, 1776 (1105) February 7, 1780 (1328) December 12, 1785 (1640) Secondary Sources: Barck, Oscar T. Jr., and Hugh T. Lefler. Colonial America. New York: Macmillan, Second Edition, 1968. Butler, Jon. Becoming America: The Revolution before 1776. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000. Hoffer, Peter C. (ed.). Early American History: American Patterns of Life. New York: Garland, 1988. Joyce, William L. (ed.). Printing and Society in Early America. Worcester: American Antiquarian Society, 1983. Labaree, Benjamin W. Colonial Massachusetts: A History. New York: KTO, 1979. Merritt, Richard L. “The Colonists Discover America: Attention Patterns in the Colonial Press, 1735-1775.” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser., Vol. 21, No. 2. (Apr., 1964): 270-287. ----------------------.“Public Opinion in Colonial America: Content-Analyzing the Colonial Press.” Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 27, No. 3. (Autumn, 1963): 356-371. ----------------------. Symbols of American Community, 1735-1775. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966. Morgan, Kenneth. “Shipping Patterns and the Atlantic Trade of Bristol, 1749-1770.” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Ser., Vol. 46, No. 3. (Jul., 1989): 506-538. Savelle, Max. “The Appearance of an American Attitude toward External Affairs, 1750-1775.” The American Historical Review, Vol. 52, No. 4. (Jul., 1947): 655-666. Walsh, Richard. The Mind and Spirit of Early America: Sources in American History 1607-1789. Lanham: University Press of America, 1980. Appendices Appendix A: Publishers and place of publishing of the Boston Gazette, 1719-1750 1720: John Franklin 1725: S Kneeland in Corn Hill, Boston 1730: B Green in King Street, Boston 1735: B Green in Newbury Street, Boston 1740-1750: S Kneeland and T Green in Queen Street, Boston Publishers and place of publishing of the Boston Gazette and Country Journal, 1755- 1785 1755: Benjamin Edes and John Gill in King Street, Boston 1760-1770: Edes and Gill in Queen Street, Boston 1776: Edes in Watertown 1780: Edes and Sons in State Street, Boston 1785: Edes and Son in Corn Hill, Boston Appendix B: 1. Inward Shipping from Boston Custom House Reports, 1720-1785 (1.00 = 100%, 0.5 = 50%, etc.) Year Total Ships / Colonies / Caribbean / Europe / S/C America 1720 13 0.31 0.61 0.08 - 1725 31 0.73 0.07 0.07 0.17 1730 17 0.53 0.24 0.24 - 1734 20 0.80 - 0.2 - 1740 20 0.75 0.10 0.1 0.05 1746 - - - - - 1750 21 0.86 0.04 0.04 0.04 1755 8 1.00 - - - 1760 6 0.83 0.17 - - 1765 24 0.42 0.33 0.25 - 1770 16 0.56 0.44 - - 1776 - - - - - 1780 - - - - - 1785 2 - 0.5 - 0.5 2. Outward Shipping from Boston Custom House Reports, 1720-1785 (1.00 = 100%, 0.5 = 50%, etc.) Year Total Ships Colonies Caribbean Europe S/C America 1720 30 0.33 0.43 0.13 0.03 1725 29 0.62 0.28 0.10 - 1730 19 0.68 0.11 0.11 0.11 1734 37 0.57 0.32 0.11 - 1740 44 0.54 0.3 0.11 - 1746 - - - - - 1750 29 0.93 0.07 - - 1755 16 0.75 0.25 - - 1760 - - - - - 1765 32 0.72 0.06 0.09 0.03 1770 4 0.75 - 0.25 - 1776 - - - - - 1780 - - - - - 1785 13 0.62 0.08 0.23 - Appendix C: 1. Colonial Destinations from Boston Custom House Reports, 1720-1785 (In descending order) 1720 Connecticut; Newfoundland; Philadelphia; N Carolina 1725 Canto; Conn.; NC; Newfoundland; New Hampshire; S Carolina; Maryland 1730 Rhode Island; Md.; Virginia; Newfoundland; Conn.; Long Island; New York 1734 NC; SC; Va.; NY; Philadelphia 1740 Newfoundland; Philadelphia; Md.; NC; Conn.; NY; Va.; SC; Canto 1746 Not available 1750 Conn.; Halifax; Newfoundland; Philadelphia; NY; NC; RI 1755 Conn.; Newfoundland; NC; Long Island; Philadelphia; Nova Scotia 1760 None recorded 1765 NC; Md.; Newfoundland; Conn.; Va.; Quebec; Milford; NY; Philadelphia 1770 Newfoundland; New Haven; Quebec 1776 Not available 1780 Not available 1785 SC; Philadelphia; Va.; Baltimore; Halifax 2. Colonial Points of Origin from Boston Custom House Reports, 1720-1785 (In descending order) 1720 NH; Conn.; SC; Va. 1725 NH; Conn.; Md.; Saltertuda, NC; NY; Va. 1730 RI; Canto; NY ; New London 1734 NC; Annapolis; Philadelphia; New London; NY; SC 1740 NC; Conn.; Va.; RI; Newfoundland; Md.; Philadelphia 1746 Not available 1750 Conn.; NC; Md.; Long Island; RI; Va. 1755 Conn.; Long Island; RI; Newcastle-on-Delaware; Va.; NC 1760 Conn.; Philadelphia; NY; NC; Quebec 1765 Philadelphia; Conn.; RI; NY; New Providence; NC 1770 New London; Philadelphia; New Haven; RI; NC 1776 Not available 1780 Not available 1785 Not available |
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